Tikal Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Tikal - Essay Example The temple pyramids were made of limestone blocks and lorded over other surrounding structures. Lattice of stone were also added in Maya roof comb to make it as a grand-looking edifice. Architects considered the Maya site in Tikal of Guatemala as the most extraordinary construction of buildings as a work of art. The site is imposed with temples of the Giant Jaguar (ca. A.D. 700), Masks (ca. A.D. 699), and the North Acropolis (Canadian Museum of Civilization, 2010a). It was believed that at the core of the Giant Jaguar temple is a high priest’s tomb with hundreds of vases and jade as offerings. A quiet sanctuary was also built intended for worshipper at the top of the nine-tiered pyramid (Canadian Museum of Civilization, 2010a; Totten, 1926). The rooms in these temples are accordingly narrow and design for ritual or ceremonial activities only. Some perceived that the design and alignment of these rooms are significant and imply a certain value to the inhabitants. Other eye-catching structures in the city are palaces in single-storey platforms with several rooms and with interior courtyards (Canadian Museum of Civilization, 2010b). The nunnery in Uxmal also looked like a palace (Canadian Museum of Civilization, 2010b). Rulers, elites and the noble families are presumed by archaeologists to have occupied these structures and those cell-like rooms in some structures were probably rooms of religious leaders in their communities e.g. priests, monks, and nuns (Ching, Jarzombek, & Prakash, 2011). They also had this structure known as Temple of the Sun at the Palenque and some sturdy edifice of a Great Gate at Labna (Ching, Jarzombek, & Prakash, 2011). This form of Architecture is considered quite expressive of sophisticated decoration of arts, carvings, and wall paintings of ancient symbols (Ching, Jarzombek, & Prakash, 2011). Those building are interconnected by roads made of stones, also known as causeways. Although experts criticized that Maya city was

Psoriasis in adults Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Psoriasis in adults - Research Paper Example Although researchers have not yet established the actual cause of the condition, most medical experts believe that there is a genetic connection to the disease. This condition has adverse effects on the patient both physical and psychological. Even though there is no direct link of the condition with psychological problems, it is evidence that knowledge of having the disease leads to stress, anxiety, anger and sometimes depression. In general, psoriasis reduces the quality of life of an adult due to the humiliation and embarrassment that he receives as well as the constant medication and irritation. The signs and symptoms of the disease vary according to the part of the body affected. Despite these effects, it is possible to contain and manage the adverse symptoms of this condition though a number of ways including oral and injectible medications, various therapies and home-based measures. This paper will examine the occurrence of psoriasis in adults. It will examine the major causes and risk factors of the condition, the adverse effects of the condition to adults as well as symptoms and diagnosis criteria. It will also address the various forms of treatments of the condition in adults and discuss some side effects of drugs used. The paper will conclude that although psoriasis is a condition that affects the well-being of an infected adult in a great way, it is possible to manage and better still control the condition. Introduction Psoriasis is a familiar noncontiguous skin disorder that causes speedy reproduction of skin cell, which results to red, dehydrated patches of coagulated skin. Medical experts assert that these dehydrated crumbles and skin scales result from speedy increase of skin cells. Generally, the areas majorly affected by this condition include the skin of knees, scalp and elbows. However, psoriasis occurs in stages, with severe and a more mild psoriasis. The individuals affected by the mild psoriasis often do not realize that they may be havin g a skin disease. On the other hand, the individuals who experience severe psoriasis have most part of their body covered with red dry patches on the skin (Alai, 2011). Usually, psoriasis is a lasting condition, even though most victims have phases of diminution when the psoriasis symptoms vanish for some time. This condition approximately occurs equally in both sexes, but is commonly prevalent in adults and young adults (Carson, 2011). Psoriasis can have a major negative effect on the emotional, psychosocial and physical health of affected people, especially the adult patients. Although the condition occurs through out the world, its prevalence fluctuates among diverse races and ethnic groups. This is because of exposure to different environmental conditions and lifestyles that accelerates the condition. Although psoriasis has a strong genetic causative factor, health professionals assert that various environmental conditions lead to the onset of the disease for instance various in fections (Langley et al, 2011). It is also evident that there are some people, whose conditions of psoriasis accelerates due to some weather changes for instance during the cold seasons. On the other hand, there are people who cite enhancements on their health conditions during warmer seasons or after exposing themselves to sunlight for some time (Alai, 2011). Sholl (2008) states that in general, Psoriasis occurs if five major different forms or types. Most people have

Response paper to pride and prejudice by jane austen Essay

Response paper to pride and prejudice by jane austen - Essay Example r breaking up with Jane based on information brought to him by these same society friends because she does not come from their ‘set’ was surprising as was the idea that Jane would take him back anyway. However, I can understand that she would have done anything for him because she really did love him and the times were much different then. During the Victorian period, women were very limited in what they could do as a means of supporting themselves. Basically, if they wanted to have any chance at mingling with ‘polite’ society, they had to be aware of the more rigid rules of manners in high society and they had to try to find a husband early. That was pretty much everything they were born and educated to do. Outside of taking care of the house and the family, there weren’t many acceptable ways that girls could take care of themselves. They were usually considered the responsibility of a male relative, who was given the right to choose their husbands for them and had control over their money and activities. Girls who did not have male relatives to take care of them, like Charlotte Lucas, had to resort to the only field in which women could retain some degree of respectability, which was taking a position in someone’s home as a governess. The idea that even this was relatively horrible is expr essed when Charlotte would rather marry Mr. Collins, who she is not overly fond of, rather than become a governess somewhere. I really hated the idea that women were so limited in what they could do given all that they have accomplished in the past 100 years. Imagine what society would be like today if the whole population, rather than just half of it, was involved in it. Charlotte’s marriage to Mr. Collins is not seen to be the kind of happy love affair that eventually develops between Jane and Charles and Elizabeth and Darcy. Although Mr. Collins continues to call her by endearing names, he does so with such lack of feeling that one gets the

Representations of Women in Early Irish and Welsh Literature Essay Example for Free

Representations of Women in Early Irish and Welsh Literature Essay Although there are parallels between Irish and Welsh sagas of elopement, the powerful self confident women depicted in these narratives do not represent the real women of Medieval Ireland and Wales. Proinsias Mac Cana has suggested that the dominant roles of Deirdre and Grainne in their respective tales (Longes mac nUislenn and Toruigheacht Dhiarmada agus Ghrainne) are ‘literary variations on the exemplar of the sovereignty goddess’ (Doan, 1985: 90). Bitel (1996: 2) asserts that Celticists have been seduced by these dominant female characters viewing them as representative of real women with considerable power over men, a depiction which if true should be reflected in the law tracts or ‘custom in action’(Stacey, 2002: 1107). This paper will argue that the ecclesiastical and legal tracts of both Ireland and Wales offer many images of women, judgements about women, and regulations for women. They do not however present the stereotypical medieval woman as the sovereignty goddess depicted in the secular sagas. Because women left no written records, we are dependent on male literature (probably all of the texts written in early Ireland and Wales) for a definition of woman and her cultural role. These male authors wrote of women in: ‘saint’s lives; poems; sagas and myths; gnomic texts; histories; chronicles; genealogies; folktales; theological tracts; and extensive ecclesiastical tracts; and secular laws’ (Bitel, 1996: 12). Although these texts offer insights on women they must be viewed through the hermeneutical lens of the socio-historical context of the era in which they were written. Early medieval Ireland was a patriarchal society and a woman’s role and identity was determined by patriarchal norms and conventions. The literati of this era did not define woman as an independent individual. Women existed only in relation to men and therefore their representation in literature was not entirely objective or according to Bitel consistent. Tensions exist between various texts. The portrayal of women as ‘capricious beasts’ (Bitel, 1995:137) presented in the eighth century wisdom text Tecosca Cormaic contrasts sharply with the recognition of a woman as home-maker and wife with limited recourse to the law depicted in Cain Lanamna or the law of couples (O Croinin, 1995: 127) . The majority of the extant Irish law books were composed between the seventh and ninth centuries. At this stage the Irish literati were members of the nobility educated in monastic communities. Many were monks but this elite group also included jurists, historians, poets and story tellers. Mc Cone has suggested that these learned elite produced literature for the monastery which was heavily influenced by Biblical texts (Bitel, 1996: 14). Donnchadh O Corrain, Liam Breatnach and Aidan Breen have argued that there exists a close connection between ecclesiastical law and Irish vernacular law (Stacey, 2002: 1108). Stacey asserts that although the legal sources from Wales (compiled in the twelfth and thirteen centuries) are later than the Irish sources there is also a significant link between ‘legal, poetic and ecclesiastical learning’ (2002: 1108). The Irish penitential books written between the sixth and the ninth centuries reveal conflict between the ideals of Christian leaders and the customs of early Irish communities. These penitentials were designed as moral guides for confessors in attributing penance in the rite of confession (Gula, 1989: 25). According to Bitel, Christian clergy were intent on transferring social control of sex from the kin group to the individual Christian (1987: 67). Fox concurs with Bitel, asserting that by liberating the individual from the bonds of clan and family, the church was attempting to reduce kinship to ‘its lowest common denominator [the nuclear family: the lowest kinship group that is compatible with reproduction] while appearing to support basic kinship values’ (1993: 109-110). The Clergy in promoting Christian morality for the individual attempted to reorganize Early Irish society. According to Bitel, the kin group were influential in controlling sexual activity. This was necessary to ensure the survival of the community as an interdependent group. Archaeological evidence suggests that houses consisted of one room. This allowed for little individual privacy and sex was a natural and visible part of family life. Illicit encounters had to take place outside of the home, and even then they were monitored by the community. Any kind of sexual relationship that had to be conducted in secrecy was considered dangerous. The survival and welfare of the clan depended on social stability and this principle determined the attitude of the pre-Christian Irish toward sexuality. Sex in itself however was not considered immoral. Celibacy was not portrayed as a virtue in the secular literature. Cu Chulainn’s sexual exploits are recorded in the sagas; however his casual encounters did not threaten the community (Bitel, 1987: 70-71). Bitel asserts that ‘the tension between individual desire and community need had always to be resolved in favour of the community’ (1987: 72), and herefore marriage was a contractual arrangement determined not by romance or love but by the necessity of producing children and the survival of the kin group. Woman’s reproductive capacities themselves are integrated into the economic life of the society. The image of woman depicted in Cain Lanamna is a woman whose social emotional and economic orientation is directed towards the family and home. Early Irish Law, commonly known as Brehon Law was a series of civil laws which governed every aspect of daily life including marriage and divorce. Marriage and divorce were interlinked by virtue of a contract agreed and a contract dissolved. Under the Brehon system, women were free to marry in one of nine ways, although the primary type of marriage, lanamnas comthinchuir was the most common. Both partners enter this marriage with equal financial resources. In the second type of marriage, lanamnas for ferthinchur, the woman contributes little or no financial assets to the marriage. In the third category, lanamnas for bantinchur, the woman contributes the greater share of the marriage assets. These three categories required formal pre-nuptial agreements. With the remaining six types of marital union (including cohabitation with a woman with family consent, voluntary eloping without family consent, voluntary abduction without family consent, illicit rendezvous, marriage by rape and marriage of two insane people) marriage entailed the assumption of financial responsibility for child rearing (O Croinin, 1995: 128). Corresponding to the wide variety of marriages recognized by law, there were many grounds for divorce. A woman might divorce a man who failed to satisfy her sexual needs because he was sterile, impotent, bisexual or homosexual. In this instance she was entitled to be paid her coibche in addition to a fine in compensation. A woman could divorce her husband on the grounds of indiscretion should he discuss intimate details of their marriage outside of the home. A woman could also divorce her husband should he abandon her either for the church or for a life on the road as he would no longer be in a position to maintain her. Physical abuse was also considered legitimate grounds for divorce. Even if the original blemish disappeared, a woman was entitled to the equivalent of her bride price as compensation. The laws are quite clear about the validity of female testimony in matters concerning consummation of marriage. This testimony is verified by a physical examination of the woman by female dignitaries. In a case where a woman refuses her husband his conjugal rights either because of a problem pregnancy or her menstrual cycle, the law regarded her objections as valid. A woman could also choose to divorce on grounds of infidelity although extra marital relations were recognized by law (O Croinin, 1995: 129). O Croinin suggests that in general terms many women were recognized by the law in ‘their capacity as wives and in their own right as individuals’ (1995: 133) Law texts are clear that a woman’s rights in divorce are specific to each type of marriage and related marriage contract. Lanamnas Comthinchuir was regarded as the most common type of marriage at this time. It was a dignified state for the wife, she was known as a be cuitchernsa, literally ‘a woman of joint dominion, a woman of equal lordship’ (O Croinin. 1995: 128). If this category of marriage ended in divorce, the woman received what she had initially contributed to the marriage in addition to a share of the profit accrued from the couple’s joint activities during the marriage period. O Croinin records that the division of property was in accordance with fixed proportions: ‘one third went to the partner who provided the land; one third to the partner who provided the stock; and one third to the partner who provided the labour’ (1995: 128). This last provision recognized the woman’s work in the home and on the farm. The second type of marriage lanamnas for ferthinchur represented a different kind of divorce settlement. Since the woman provided neither land nor stock, she was entitled to half of her own handiwork and one sixth of the dairy produce in store. If she had worked diligently on the farm and in the home she took one ninth of the corn and cured meat in store. She also received a sack of corn for a specified time. Divorce in the third category of marriage, lanamnas for bantinchur, ensured that the woman retained a life interest in the farm. She could not however transfer any rights to the estate to her children. She could however marry one of the heirs to the property and preserve her children’s right to inherit. Although the Irish lawyers appealed to Scripture, particularly to Leviticus to justify parallel cousin marriages, church law declared parallel cousin marriages incestuous (O Corrain, 1985). The Welsh tractate ‘the laws of women’ contains rules governing marriage and division of property in medieval Wales. There are four redactions of Welsh law manuscripts: the Cyfnerth and the Blegywryd redactions both derive from south Wales; Iorwerth is classed as a north Wales redaction; and finally the Latin manuscripts (there are similarities between the Latin laws and the Welsh redactions). Although the sources from Wales are dated to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, women in the Welsh tractate like women in Cain Lanamna are portrayed as wives and home-makers (Roberts, 2008: 58-59). Stacey asserts that the most ‘striking’ passage of the ‘Laws of Women’ outlines the domestic and agricultural goods granted to each partner in cases where the marriage had lasted longer than seven years (2002: 1109). This passage is common to each of the Welsh redactions of the law books and can also be found in four of the five Latin compilations. The couple must divide their possessions equally, the pigs become the property of the man and the woman takes ownership of the sheep. If there are only sheep and goats, the sheep go to the man and the goats to the woman. The children are also divided between the couple ‘two parts go to the father, the eldest and the youngest, and the middle to the mother’ (Stacey, 2002: 1111). The division of household goods is itemised: all milk vessels, except for one pail and one dish becomes the property of the woman. The man is entitled to all of the drinking vessels and the riddle while the woman is entitled to the sieve. The man is entitled to the upper stone of the quern and the woman to the lower stone. The bed clothes which cover the couple becomes the property of the woman while the clothes which they lay on belong to the man. The man receives the cauldron and the blanket and the pillows from the bed together with the wood axe, coulter and all the sickles except for one which the woman obtains. The woman is granted the pan, the broad axe, the bill hook and all of the flax, linseed and wool. She also receives the plowshare. Any gold or silver is divided equally between the couple. The man is entitled to the corn above and below the ground, all of the hens and one cat. The remaining cats become the property of the woman. The woman receives the salted meat but if it is hung it becomes the property of the man. The woman is also granted as much flour as she can carry along with the cut meat and the partly used cheese. They each retain their own clothes except for their cloaks which must be divided equally. Any balls of wool in stock become the property of the sons (Stacey, 2002: 1111). Like Irish Marriage Law, the Welsh Laws of Women attempted to secure a measure of financial independence for each partner in the event of divorce . Unlike Irish marriage law however which divided property according to specific marriage contracts, some rovisions in the Welsh divorce law appear illogical. Jenkins suggests that the Welsh division of property on divorce, attempts to ensure that each partner has the necessary provisions to survive but he asserts that the division of the quern stones is ‘curious’ since they cannot be used independently (Stacey, 2002: 1111). Similarly the coulter is granted to the man while the plowshare is received by the woman. Since both blades would have been required for planting this division appears to make little logical or practical sense. Stacey also points out that the man receives all of the corn and hens but only one cat to protect them from vermin while the woman receives the remaining cats although she has no grain or hens to protect (Stacey, 2002: 1113-1116). Welsh divorce law does not seem to be based on the wealth brought to the marriage by each party or indeed on the status of the marriage. In Irish Law the apportionment of property is determined by both of these factors (Stacey, 2002: 1113). Stacey suggests that the division of property in a Welsh divorce is symbolic of the destructiveness of divorce and failed marriage. He asserts that this was a secular ‘homily’ on the improvident nature of divorce (2002: 1124). Although the marriage property is divided the woman ultimately is disadvantaged because under Welsh Law, she has no claim to land and must be satisfied with portable goods. Although women under Welsh law were afforded the opportunity to divorce their husbands due to his impotency, leprosy or bad breath (Roberts, 2008: 63), Nerys Patterson suggests that the woman was further disadvantaged in the wake of marital separation: female virginity was highly valued and her loss of virginity would affect her chances of remarriage (2002: 1121). These medieval divorce laws clearly situate the woman in the home, rearing children, cooking, spinning wool and working on the farm. It is tempting to view these laws as depictions of a progressive egalitarian society, however the political and social realities of a woman’s life suggest otherwise. A woman’s legal definition derived from that of her father, brother or her legal husband. A legal tract on honour price (dire) defined women’s legal and social position ‘her father had charge over her when she is a girl, her husband when she is a wife, her sons when she is a [widowed] woman with children . . the Church when she is a woman of the Church [i. e. , a nun]. She is not capable of sale or purchase or contract or transaction without the authorization of one of her superiors’ (Bitel, 1996: 8). According to Bitel, these legally and socially incapacitated women were the real Medbs of medieval Ireland. When measuring a woman’s status, the laws measured women against the legal norm of the free adult male and as such a woman’s worth remained only half that of her male guardians honour price. The Irish literati along with many medieval authors considered female bodies as ‘less valuable copies of mens’ (Bitel, 1996: 19). This principle is reflected in the only extant Irish medico-legal tracts namely Bretha Crolige and Bretha Dein Checht which accorded women less medical attention and food rations than men (Bitel, 1996: 21). Women therefore were considered physically and psychologically less than man, less than human (Bitel, 1996: 23). The ninth century Triads text, Trecheng Breth Fene unveiled some basic assumptions about the nature of woman. The Triads suggested that ‘the three drops of a wedded woman’ were drops of blood (a good wife was a virgin at marriage); sweat; and tears (a good wife should be willing to suffer hardship to support her husband and children). One of the three misfortunes of a man was proposing marriage to a bad woman. According to the Triads, women were their husband’s property and were akin to animals. ‘When a man loaned either a woman or a horse, he had to expect it to be used by the borrower’ (Bitel, 1996: 23). The wisdom text also suggested that ‘like a cow’s udder, women through her womb, was one of the three renovators of the world’ (Bitel, 1996: 24). Another wisdom text Tecosca Cormaic suggested that women ‘should be feared like beasts’ because they were ‘capricious beasts’ (Bitel, 1996: 24). A woman’s physical characteristics and fertility therefore were animal like and unreliable. The eighth or ninth-century wisdom text Senbriathra Fithail considered the characteristics of ‘a good wife’ (Bitel, 1996: 27). Advising his pupil Cormac mac Airt, Fithal (a druid) asserted that a good woman had ‘common sense, prudence, modesty, excellent Irish, delicacy, mildness, honesty, wisdom, purity and intelligence’ (Bitel, 1996: 28). All of these attributes according to Fithal were necessary for a woman to become a desirable wife. A bad wife on the other hand was characterised by ‘wretchedness, stinginess, vanity, talkativeness, laziness, indolence, noisiness, hatefulness avarice, visiting, thieving, keeping trysts, lustfulness, folly and treachery’ (Bitel, 1996: 28). Fithal asserted that it was possible to detect a woman’s character based on her physical appearance. He suggested that Cormac should avoid: ‘the fat short one’; ‘the slender short one with curling hair’; the fair tall one’; ‘the dark-limbed, unmanageable one’; ‘the dun coloured yellow one’; and ‘the slender prolific one who was lewd and jealous’ (Bitel, 1996: 28). Fithal determined that the worst wife was a be cairn or a whore. A successful marriage however could be assured by a union with the ‘tall, fair, very slender ones’ (Bitel, 1996: 28). Fithal admitted to Cormac however that the ideal woman may not exist and that most women had character flaws. The author of Tecosca Cormaic was adamant that all women were ‘chronically dissatisfied, bad tempered, untrustworthy, wanton, manipulative, ambitious, greedy, arrogant whiners’ (Bitel, 1996: 29). Bitel suggests that the real problem with women is that they were not men and the writers of the gnomic tracts could only define them by their many indefinable natures: they had similar physical bodies to men but were not men; they had reproductive characteristics and temperaments similar to animals but were not animals. The only certainty appeared to be was that women must be controlled and her inferior position in society maintained (Bitel, 1996: 30). The writers of ecclesiastical canons suggested that women could only be redeemed by denying their female characteristics and their female sexuality. Bitel argues that canonists established a ‘gender hierarchy’ (Bitel, 1996: 32). Unlike the typologies found in secular and wisdom texts, the cannon scribes attributed a moral value to virginity and abstinence. Nuns were accorded a high moral value as were ‘widows who took the veil’ (Bitel, 1996: 32). Thomas O’ Loughlin suggests that the Collectio canonum hibernesis, a systematic collection of law, codified certain patristic theories producing an understanding of marriage ‘as a state secondary to virginity’ (1997: 188). The canonists justify their position by quoting Jerome who asserts that ‘virginity follows the lamb wherever he goes’ (O’Loughlin, 1997: 192). Jerome expands on this theme suggesting that ‘earth is populated by marriage, so heaven is by virginity’ (O’Loughlin, 1997: 192). The underlying concept is clear, virginity is exemplified and sexuality creates problems. According to O’Loughlin this principle was the basis of ecclesiastical thinking on marriage throughout the middle ages and Jerome’s opinion that sexual activity was ‘inferior and earthy’ in comparison to virginity which was ‘noble and superior’ has been held responsible for the cult of virginity and celibacy in the Latin church (O’Loughlin, 1997: 193). Augustine also considered sexuality dangerous but (quoting Paul in 1 Corinthians 7) asserted that while celibacy was the desired state, ‘lawful marriage is to be preferred to burning with desire and fornication’ (O’Loughlin, 1997: 193). The dangers of sexuality therefore were to be contained within the institution of marriage. Although canonists admitted that clerics could fall to sexual temptation, the general consensus was that women as the weaker sex were more likely to succumb to sexual temptation.

Social environment Essay Example for Free

Social environment Essay I am a person who frequents the local gym. In fact it is part of my daily routine and it is a social environment I have come to know very well. After hunting for a good parking space I make my way through the set of automatic sliding glass doors. The temperature is always a consistent 70 degrees Fahrenheit – cozy and comfortable in the winter, and a refreshing break from the blistering heat of summer. When I approach the front desk to swipe my membership card, one of three people will greet me. Usually it’s a middle aged African American man called â€Å"Mr. Fred,† and you can bet that he’ll be wearing a smile. No doubt, he knows almost every member’s name despite the fact that there are hundreds. On the rare occasion that Mr. Fred isn’t at the front desk, either a beautiful young girl with brown hair and brown eyes, or an older polite woman will greet me. As I make my way up the tall, carpeted staircase I scroll through my Ipod to find something fresh. Upon arriving at the top of the staircase I scan the area to see who is present. Is it busy? Is the cute girl I noticed last week here? My buddy from school? Anyone else I know? It’s truly amazing how much it depends on the time of day. We live by the clock and sometimes I don’t think we realize how much it structures our lives. Three PM means it’s slow – there will be a few older retired folks lethargically moving around and trying to keep themselves busy. At Four PM the space slowly starts to fill in with people that got off work early or left early to avoid the rush. At Five PM the facility comes alive. The cardio machines will soon all be occupied, the spinning classes begin, the lanes of the pool are now filled, and the clang of weights being shuffled around echoes throughout the gym. This is a colossal gym. The ceilings must be 40 feet high in some places. Most of the activity takes place on the second floor where there are over 100 cardio machines of various types. There is also an indoor track that surrounds the machines and the weights. I walk over to the stationary bikes to begin my warm-up and wonder how many people have sat on this seat since I last did. Sometimes the seat is still on position â€Å"16† like I left it the day before, other times I find it fully extended and I know a seven foot tall guy must have been there. After about ten minutes on the bike, I make my way over to the weights where I discover a new face. It’s a girl with blonde hair and she’s probably about 20 years old. She seems a little lost – perhaps a new member without much weight-training experience. It’s funny how many new members there are following every New Years. Indeed they have all just made resolutions to get into better shape. So after a couple minutes of fumbling around with one machine, a guy approaches the girl and offers his expertise on the subject. He asks her which muscle group she wants to focus on, and then demonstrates the correct movements on the machine. She looks at him wearily as she tries to replicate the motions and he nods in approval. It seems an instant relationship has just formulated between the two. Who knows where it will lead, they may end up together for the rest of their lives. Next I move over to where the free weights are located. I watch myself in the mirror as I lift the weights over my head and then bring them back to my shoulders in a slow, controlled motion. In the mirror I notice two girls behind me on the abdominal machines. And to take a line from Akon – I can’t help but to notice them, noticing me. I have seen them a couple times before and there is a feeling of familiarity – almost as though we know each other, yet we have never met. In one of my psychology classes, we learned the term â€Å"familiar strangers. † These can be described as people that we see over and over throughout our routines but people that we technically do not know. These girls are an example of familiar strangers because although I have never conversed with them, there is a sense that I do know them on some level. This is true of many people I see at the gym, some of which I see almost every day. It’s as if I have a certain connection with these people even though we are not acquaintances. It’s a peculiar situation. I see them every day but we don’t really speak to each other, yet if I saw one of them in another setting (a bar, restaurant, or store) I would almost feel compelled to speak. If I didn’t acknowledge them, it would be as though I was choosing to ignore the fact that I recognized them as a familiar person from the gym. Tuesdays at the gym are particularly interesting from a sociological perspective. It’s a very busy day because there are a lot of group classes. One class called â€Å"Zumba† combines dancing with an aerobic routine that has been choreographed to hip-hop music. This is the most popular class at the gym; in fact, it’s so popular that they had to move the class to the basketball court. The basketball court can be overlooked from the second floor; so needless to say, when the hip-hop music starts blaring it draws a lot of attention. But I’m not sure the music draws as much attention as the 75 women bouncing around on the basketball court. The guys upstairs literally flock to the railing to check out the action. And the funny thing is – they don’t tend to make any effort to be sly about watching the women below. Instead, they just stare at them, grinning from ear to ear and joke around with buddies. I’ll admit, it is very difficult to keep your eyes off of that many girls, but I do my best to avoid gawking. The gym is a place I have come to know well and it is an excellent facility. It sometimes even feels like a second home because everyone there is so welcoming and friendly. And if my Ipod isn’t enough to keep me entertained during my workout, there’s always the option of â€Å"people watching. †

Macbeth: The Vaulting Ambition

Macbeth: The Vaulting Ambition Shakespeares Macbeth is considered to be one of the best plays ever written. It is set in Scotland in the medieval times, around the 11th century. The play focuses on the psychological effects performed on the main character Macbeth. Macbeth shows us how dramatically his representation changes. Macbeth at the beginning is a highly respected and well-known war-hero. However the seed of change is planted when he meets the three evil witches who predict his future of becoming the king of Scotland. This sudden event makes Macbeth ambitious and he kills Duncan, the current king. Macbeths vaulting ambition rapidly accelerates but he becomes careless which leads to his death. Macbeth starts as a normal noble man who has feelings, friends, a wife and he is a war-hero. As time and tragic events elapse, his time as a ruthless killer begins. As soon as he meets the witches and learns of his future as king, he falls for Lady Macbeths charm and begins to plot and to think of murder. My thought, whose murder yet is but fantastical (1.3.9) (Macbeth Ambition Quotes Page 1, 2, 3, 4) After the witches predict that Macbeth will become king, he thinks of murder, even though the witches had not said anything about murder. This brings to question whether the witches are to blame or that the thought of murder had always been there. MACBETH [Aside] The Prince of Cumberland! That is a step On which I must fall down, or else oerleap, For in my way it lies. Stars, hide your fires; Let not light see my black and deep desires.(1.4.4) (Macbeth Ambition Quotes Page 1, 2, 3, 4) When Malcolm is proclaimed to be the heir to the throne of Scotland, Macbeth sets aside his morality. He knows that killing Duncan to become king is wrong, which is why he doesnt want any light to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦see my black and deep desires. MACBETH [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] I have no spur To prick the sides of my intent, but only Vaulting ambition, which oerleaps itself And falls on the other. (1.7.1) (Macbeth Ambition Quotes Page 1, 2, 3, 4) Macbeth realises that his vaulting ambition is all that motivates him to murder Duncan. To him this is not enough to kill a king, which is why after this speech he decides not to go through with it. But of course we know that Lady Macbeth convinces him to murder Duncan later on. When he is set in front of Duncan at his bedside, Lady Macbeth convinces him to realise that this is the only way. However in doing this evil deed it had made the townspeople suspicious of the other 2 heirs who ran away as they thought they would be next. This meant that Macbeth had to kill Malcolm who was next in line for the iron throne. At this point Macbeths experiences a series of breakdowns as he begins to lose his mind and his human dignity. After the murder of Duncan, Macbeth falls into the trap of a murderous rage. He believed that this would clear his name, but it only made it worse. Each person he kills results in another. With each kill Macbeth loses his feelings of right and wrong. Macbeths principles are soon deteriorated to nothing as his killings become numerous. MACBETH [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] For mine own good All causes shall give way. I am in blood Steppd in so far that, should I wade no more, Returning were as tedious as go oer. (3.4.24) (Macbeth Ambition Quotes Page 1, 2, 3, 4) After going on his killing spree, Macbeth suggests that once a man has killed for gain, it is impossible to stop. Macbeth at this point is willing to do anything in order to help himself as he finds it easier to kill. Macbeth believes that hes got to look out for himself. After killing Banquo and confronting his ghost, Macbeth breaks down for the last time. At this point Macbeths last shred of his morals are gone. Lady Macbeth sudden dies and he shows no remorse. Instead of stopping his killing spree he orders Macduffs family to be killed. Macbeth at this point has lost complete control as he starts to believe only in the witches prophecy and visions and that he cannot be killed by any man, giving him a false sense of security. He then plans to send assassins to the castle of Macduff which is in England in order to kill his family. On his way to confront and murder Macduff, Macbeth kills a young soldier without question as he does not care. Here he has nothing but become a cold blooded killer. Near the end of the play, and Macbeths killing spree, his transformation is complete as he loses all of his human thoughts and feelings. Macbeth changes from a man of honour to a man of fear and anger as he loses his ability to make decisions and his morality. In conclusion I believe that this play explores the tragic demise of a good man because of his vaulting ambition because we can see how corrupt a good person can become if one is twisted by the evil supernatural. This is shown through how forces become so powerful over Macbeth that they confuse him and force him into making drastic decisions that change his mind. He has tyrant qualities in the last stages of the play, but the power overwhelms him to succeed and condone these evil deeds. He once was a noble man who has now become a vulnerable and weak target for the desire for power. As a highly respected war-hero to become a cold-blooded killer we can see how the effect of power and his vaulting ambition to become king can lead to the tragic demise of a good man. Word Count = 970

Edna’s Symbolic Swim in The Awakening :: Chopin Awakening

Edna’s Symbolic Swim in The Awakening Reading through The Awakening for the first time, a passage in chapter X intrigued me: Edna’s first successful swim. I begin my close reading halfway through page 49, â€Å"But that night she was like the little tottering, stumbling, clutching child, who of a sudden realizes its powers, and walks for the first time alone, boldly and with over-confidence.† Her success is sudden and in spite of assistance from â€Å"the men and women; in some instances from the children† throughout the summer. Robert himself had devised a system of lessons. But her triumph does not result from any such assistance, but from her own abilities. By comparing the experience to a child’s first steps, it conjures imagery she herself must have experienced with her own children, which is emphasized by referring to â€Å"the† child rather than â€Å"a† child. Before her triumph, she totters, stumbles, and literally clutches at any â€Å"hand nearby that might reach out and reassure her,† always requiring the assistance or reassurance of others. But on this night, her powers, which by virtue of the strength of such a word choice suggests its relevance to far more than swimming, overtake her. It is significant she does it alone, and her over-confidence possibly foreshadows the conclusion. â€Å"A feeling of exultation overtook her, as if some power of significant import had been given her to control the working of her body and her soul† implies the tremendous joy that encourages her to shout, as well as underscores the significance of the experience in terms of the greater awakening, for the experience actually does provide Edna with the ability to control her own body and soul for the first time. Her â€Å"daring and reckless† behavior, her overestimation of strength, and the desire to â€Å"swim far out, where no woman had swum before† all suggest the tragic conclusion that awaits Edna. Whether her awakening leads her to want too much, or her desires are not fully compatible with the society in which she lives, she goes too far in her awakening. Amazed at the ease of her new power, she specifically does not join the other groups of people in the water, but rather goes off to swim alone. Indeed, her own awakening ultimately ends up being solitary , particularly in her refusals to join in social expectations. Here, the water presents her with space and solitude, with the â€Å"unlimited in which to lose herself.